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Trust matters more than self-interest: That is the result of an online survey we conducted among roughly 4,800 participants in April and May 2020. Individual attitudes towards easing restrictions to contain the coronavirus pandemic are not primarily shaped by whether people fear economic or family-related consequences for themselves or for society. Rather, it is perceived infringements on basic rights that motivate respondents to demand that restrictions be lifted. Respondents from East Germany and those who tend not to trust public institutions in the first place are especially critical of the containment measures. The discussion about easing restrictions, therefore, is not so much about the varying degrees to which individuals are affected, but rather about the degree of trust in public institutions generally.
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(2020): Digitalizzazione, automazione e il futuro del welfare state democratico: profili per un’agenda di ricerca Rivista Italiana di Politiche Pubbliche. Il Mulino. 2020, 2020(1), pp. 123-144. ISSN 1722-1137. Available under: doi: 10.1483/96932
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(2020): Explaining the immigrant integration laws of German, Italian and Spanish regions : sub-state nationalism and multilevel party politics Regional Studies. Routledge, Taylor & Francis. 2020, 54(11), pp. 1486-1497. ISSN 0034-3404. eISSN 1360-0591. Available under: doi: 10.1080/00343404.2019.1599845
How do sub-state regions respond to immigration and what drives their policy choices? Combining the cross-national literature on citizenship and integration policy with the literature on immigration federalism, it is hypothesized that sub-state nationalism and multilevel party politics explain why some regions formulate more restrictive immigrant integration policies than others. Analyzing integration laws of German, Italian and Spanish regions demonstrates that socioeconomically inclusive measures dominate, regardless of national context. Where restrictive provisions occur at all, they are associated with minority nationalism and the strength of anti-immigrant parties, while leftist regions facing right-wing national governments tend to adopt a more inclusive policies.
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(2020): Ersatzstrukturen : Die Corona-Krise als Gesellschaftsexperiment Soziopolis : Gesellschaft beobachten. Hamburg: Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung
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(2020): Empirical methods in the economics of education BRADLEY, Steve, ed., Colin GREEN, ed.. The Economics of Education : a Comprehensive Overview. 2. Auflage. London: Elsevier, 2020, pp. 3-20. ISBN 978-0-12-815391-8. Available under: doi: 10.1016/B978-0-12-815391-8.00001-X
Empirical research in the economics of education often addresses causal questions. Does an educational policy or practice cause students' test scores to improve? Does more schooling lead to higher earnings? This article surveys the methods that economists have increasingly used over the past two decades to distinguish accidental association from causation. The methods include research designs that exploit explicit randomization as well as quasi-experimental identification strategies based on observational data. All methods are illustrated with a range of selected example applications from the economics of education.
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dc.contributor.author: Hermle, Johannes; Hensel, Lukas; Roth, Christopher
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Die Corona-Krise hat für viele Beschäftigte zu einer schnellen und tiefgreifenden Veränderung ihres Arbeitsalltags geführt. Zur Einhaltung sozialer Distanzierung haben private und öffentliche Organisationen ihre Belegschaft ganz oder teilweise ins Homeoffice geschickt. Die vorliegende Studie vermisst diese neue Arbeitswelt auf einer einzigartigen Datengrundlage: Einer Umfrage unter rund 700 Beschäftigten im Homeoffice über neun Erhebungszeitpunkte hinweg. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die empfundene Produktivität und das Engagement der Beschäftigten durch die Arbeit im Homeoffice gefördert werden und sich eine große Mehrheit wünscht, zumindest teilweise weiterhin mobil zu arbeiten. Jedoch wird auch eine Tendenz zu Mehrarbeit und damit einhergehender Erschöpfung deutlich. Das erhöht den Handlungsdruck für die Politik und die Vertretungen von Betrieben und Beschäftigten. Die Studie schließt mit Empfehlungen, wie die Rahmenbedingungen für das Arbeiten im Homeoffice verbessert werden können.
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(2020): Gewaltige Kosten : Über die ökonomischen Konsequenzen von Gewalt Report Psychologie. Deutscher Psychologen Verlag. 2020, 45(5), pp. 20-21. ISSN 0344-9602
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(2020): Agent based models in Mata : Modelling aggregate processes, like the spread of a disease London Stata Conference 2020. 2020
An Agent Based Model (ABM) is a simulation in which agents that each follow simple rules interact with one another and thus produce an often surprising outcome at the macro level. The purpose of an ABM is to explore mechanisms through which actions of the individual agents add up to a macro outcome by varying the rules that agents have to follow or varying with whom the agent can interact (for example, varying the network). These models have many applications, like the study of segregation of neighborhoods or the adoption of new technologies. However, the application that is currently most topical is the spread of a disease. In this talk, I will give introduction on how to implement an ABM in Mata, by going through the simple models I (a sociologist, not an epidemiologist) used to make sense of what is happening with the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Donald Trump, the Arab Spring, Brexit: digital media have provided political actors and citizens with new tools to engage in politics. These tools are now routinely used by activists, candidates, non-governmental organizations, and parties to inform, mobilize, and persuade people. But what are the effects of this retooling of politics? Do digital media empower the powerless or are they breaking democracy? Have these new tools and practices fundamentally changed politics or is their impact just a matter of degree? This clear-eyed guide steps back from hyperbolic hopes and fears to offer a balanced account of what aspects of politics are being shaped by digital media and what remains unchanged. The authors discuss data-driven politics, the flow and reach of political information, the effects of communication interventions through digital tools, their use by citizens in coordinating political action, and what their impact is on political organizations and on democracy at large.
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(2020): Working from home in the Coronavirus crisis : Towards a transformation of work environments?
The coronavirus crisis has brought rapid and sweeping changes to the daily work life of many employees. To comply with social distancing rules, many private and public organizations let all or part of their staff work from home. This study analyzes this new work environment on the basis of unprecedented data: a survey conducted at nine points in time among roughly 700 telecommuting employees. The results demonstrate that employees working from home show an increase in perceived productivity and commitment. The vast majority wish to continue to work flexibly on a remote basis, at least to some extent. However, we also observe a trend towards excessive workloads resulting in exhaustion. This increases the urge for policymakers and employee representations to take action. The study concludes with recommendations on how to improve the general conditions concerning telework.
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(2020): Casino Capitalism? : The Impact of Financial Crises on Inequality, 1970 to 2016
Project : From Bad to Worse: Financial Crises, Polarization, and Inequality
The ways in which countries have reacted to financial crises varies considerably. While income inequality has grown in more than half of the EU member states after the Great Recession, some countries such as the United States have experienced a significant increase in wealth inequality. A number of countries, by contrast, was able to keep these inequities at bay. We argue in this paper that the impact of financial crises on inequality differ between the type and severity of these economic shocks and that sovereign debt and exchange rate rather than banking crises increase the economic inequities. The paper also examines the extent to which fiscal constraints of governments and membership in the Eurozone mediate these effects. We examine the diverse income and wealth inequality effects to more than 50 financial crises across the OECD member states from 1970 to 2010. The empirical evidence gathered so far supports our conjecture of different distributive effects of varying types of crises.
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(2020): Safer Spaces : The impact of a reduction in road fatalities on the life expectancy of South Africans
In this paper we determine the cost of fatalities resulting from road traffic injuries (RTIs) in South Africa. We express the costs in terms of reduced life expectancy and years of potential life lost (YPLL). Our main data source is the Injury Mortality Survey, a retrospective descriptive study carried out in 2009 in South Africa. Using the mortality rates by sex and age from the mortuary data we calculate actual life expectancy at birth. In our counterfactual analysis we assume a reduction of 15% reduction per year in road fatalities for a period of 10 years. A comparison of the estimated actual and counterfactual life expectancies suggests that the average gain in life expectancy at birth would be 0.58 years. Since the overwhelming majority of road traffic fatalities are male (75.7%), there is a considerable gender difference. Men would gain 0.85 years while women would gain 0.30 years in life expectancy, closing the gender gap in life expectancy by about 14%. We then discuss how a reduction in RTIs could be achieved. South Africa’s legislation already covers all important aspects of road safety (e.g. seat belt use, drink driving restrictions, speed limits, infrastructure improvements), however, enforcement is relatively weak and should be improved. There are a raft of measures that have been well researched in other countries, most interventions aim to modify the behaviour of road users and have been found to be cost effective. In addition to stricter enforcement, evidence from social science suggests that compliance could be increased through a change in social norms regarding road usage.
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(2020): No Representation without Integration! : Why Differentiated Integration Challenges the Composition of the European Parliament Journal of Common Market Studies (JCMS). Wiley. 2020, 58(4), pp. 1016-1033. ISSN 0021-9886. eISSN 1468-5965. Available under: doi: 10.1111/jcms.13015
This article provides a normative assessment of parliamentary representation in fields of differentiated integration in the European Union. Based on three criteria of legitimate democratic representation, autonomy, accountability and equality, we evaluate four alternative representation models. These models comprise (I) complete representation of all members of the European Parliament (MEPs), (II) insider representation through the creation of new, regime‐specific assemblies, and (III) partial representation without and (IV) with inclusive deliberative stages. We find that the current system of complete representation, while honouring the principle of equality, violates autonomy and accountability in areas of differentiated integration. We therefore advocate a model of partial representation: MEPs elected in opt‐out states should not take part in EP voting but should be invited to participate in the deliberative stages of parliamentary decision‐making. This reconciles the principles of autonomy, accountability and equality, at least as long as there is no truly European electoral system in place.
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The coronavirus crisis exacerbates inequality in the European Union. It gives rise to a critical debate about the future of Europe concerning a key question: In what way does the project of integration require a higher degree of European solidarity? To what extent are Europeans willing to help each other, and what kind of help are they willing to provide? The results from a recent survey of the German residential population, presented in this paper, offer a mixed picture: Whereas people strongly support medical solidarity, their willingness to support fi nancial redistribution is limited. As a consequence, it will be crucial to use ideational leadership to activate the potential for solidarity towards a united, viable Europe marked by limited inequality—especially with the German Council Presidency commencing on July 1st, 2020.
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The HybOrg research project focuses on the administrative management of the so-called refugee crisis in Germany between 2015 and 2016. It asks about the societal effect of variation in local crisis management (Landkreise and kreisfreie Städte). This document is a technical report of German-wide survey among the local administration to assess the reactions to the increase in the number of asylum seekers in 2015/16.
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(2020): From Hand-Counting to GIS : Richardson in the Information Age GLEDITSCH, Nils Petter, ed.. Lewis Fry Richardson : His Intellectual Legacy and Influence in the Social Sciences. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020, pp. 73-85. Pioneers in Arts, Humanities, Science, Engineering, Practice. 27. ISBN 978-3-030-31588-7. Available under: doi: 10.1007/978-3-030-31589-4_7
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(2020): Einstellungen und Verhalten gegenüber geflüchteten Menschen : Ist die räumliche Distanz von Bedeutung? MAYS, Anja, ed., André DINGELSTEDT, ed., Verena HAMBAUER, ed. and others. Grundlagen – Methoden – Anwendungen in den Sozialwissenschaften : Festschrift für Steffen-M. Kühnel. Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2020, pp. 561-578. ISBN 978-3-658-15628-2. Available under: doi: 10.1007/978-3-658-15629-9_30
Die klassische Kontakthypothese aus der Forschung zu Fremdenfeindlichkeit postuliert einen negativen Zusammenhang: Je mehr und intensivere Kontakte zu einer ethnischen Minorität bestehen, desto eher werden Vorurteile reduziert und desto geringer sind fremdenfeindliche Einstellungen. Empirisch konnte dieser Effekt vielfach bestätigt werden. In unserem Beitrag untersuchen wir eine Erweiterung dieser „sozialen“ Kontakthypothese hin zu einer „räumlichen“ bzw. „geografischen“ Kontakthypothese. Konkret geht es um die Frage, ob Einstellungen gegenüber geflüchteten Menschen davon abhängen, inwieweit Befragte durch ihren Wohnstandort Kontakt bzw. eine räumliche Nähe zu Flüchtlingsunterkünften haben. Die geografische Kontakthypothese vermutet, dass sich Personen umso weniger ablehnend gegenüber Flüchtlingen äußern, je näher sie an einer Flüchtlingsunterkunft wohnen. Wir präsentieren Ergebnisse einer postalischen Befragung (N = 580) in Mainz, in welcher der Wohnort der Befragten sowie die Lage der Flüchtlingsunterkünfte im Stadtgebiet georeferenziert wurden. Die abhängigen Variablen bilden Einstellungen und selbstberichtete Protesthandlungen gegenüber geflüchteten Menschen. Im Ergebnis zeigt sich in der Tat ein Effekt für die Einstellungsindikatoren: Je größer die geografische Distanz der Befragten zu Flüchtlingsunterkünften, desto ablehnender äußern sie sich bezüglich geflüchteter Menschen. Zwischen räumlicher Distanz und Protesthandlungen finden wir keinen signifikanten Zusammenhang. Weiterhin zeigt sich der Tendenz nach, dass ein Teil, aber nicht der gesamte Distanzeffekt über soziale Kontakte mit Flüchtlingen zustande kommt.
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(2019): Is economics a man's business? : Exploring the long-term effects of the gender gap in economic competencies at the upper secondary level on students' choice to study economics at university Citizenship, Social and Economics Education. 2019, 18(3), pp. 177-197. ISSN 1357-4019. eISSN 2047-1734. Available under: doi: 10.1177/2047173419885628
In higher education, across countries, a large share of students choose to study economics. Although there is only a small difference in the share of female and male students in that field, there is robust empirical evidence of a gender gap in economic competencies, showing that male students in most cases outperform female students. There is a broad discussion about the differences in gender-specific socializations that cause this gender gap. However, no research exists on the long-term effects of this gender gap. This study uses longitudinal and representative data of N = 1397 Swiss students (824 female students) to analyse the gender-specific effects of economic competencies at the end of the upper secondary level on their aspiration and decision to study economics. The results show that economic knowledge and interest in economics have a substantially stronger effect on the choice of economics for female students. The aspiration to study strongly mediates these effects. We argue that these results can mainly be traced back to different interests and self-perceptions of skills and abilities in economics caused by gender-specific socialization. Possible implications of gender socialization and discrimination in economics for secondary and higher education and for the labour market are discussed.
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